Ivan Savvidis is on a list of 2,500 individuals, mostly businesspeople and bankers, that the Ukrainian government considers as “Putin’s people”
Vladimir Putin knows that the possible use of nuclear weapons by his country, even on a “limited scale”, would trigger a severe backlash, not only from his opponents, but also from his remaining allies.
Europe, in opposing the Russian invasion and supporting Ukraine’s defences, is confronted with energy blackmail and threatened by Putin with a cutting off of flows of natural gas.
Moscow said that certain components of the S-400 missile systems will be produced in Turkey, the only NATO member that buys arms from Moscow and imposes no sanctions on Russia.
In Ukraine, for the last 100 days, thanks to the bravery of the Ukrainians who continue their resistance, the heart of liberal democracy beats.
'If need be, he should sacrifice his throne to tell Putin, “Mr. President, I cannot agree with you and I am resigning,' the Ecumenical Patriarch declared.
Journalist and author Vladislav Davidzon organised a dinner with the the then presidential candidate. The atmosphere was so convivial that the discussion lasted three hours.
The US is leading the entire effort in Ukraine, but the Americans are 5,000 miles from the theatre of military operations, and the Europeans will necessarily face most of the consequences of the war.
The Russian president must understand that the cost of trampling over treaties and international law is greater than the benefits yielded by the conquest of territory or the destruction of a country
Long before his 24 February invasion of Ukraine, Vladimir Putin’s in his two decades in power made enormous headway in his bid to expand Russian influence in Greece.
Long before his 24 February invasion of Ukraine, Vladimir Putin’s in his two decades in power made enormous headway in his bid to expand Russian influence in Greece, and the Moscow Patriarchate has played a key role.
Turbulence in the energy and economic sectors and in geopolitics may become generalised, and the 24 February Russian invasion of Ukraine may well become a day that will live in infamy.
Western liberal democracies must demonstrate to Russia’s leader and to all those who may seek to imitate his tactics that gunboat diplomacy has no place in today’s world.
The West must send more aid to Kyiv and impose even stricter sanctions on Moscow, and Western leaders must demonstrate to the megalomaniacal ruler in the Kremlin that continuing this war will destroy both Russia and himself.
Erdogan has not moved an inch in pursuing a wide array of claims and challenges to Greek sovereignty, and the PM must make tough calls on what more Athens may legitimately negotiate, without compromising sovereignty and national interests.
In 2007, at the 43rd Munich Security Conference, Putin accused the US of launching a new nuclear competition, undermining global security, and supporting groups that toppled governments in the former Soviet sphere of influence.
If Putin should perceive this stance of the West as a sign of weakness and seek to correct “the errors of history” by extending his military campaign to NATO countries, the Third World War will be upon us.
Counter-espionage information showed that other Russian forces are ready to wage war. Bombings in eastern parts of Ukraine controlled by Moscow could function as a pre-announced pretext for a Russian invasion.
A possible Russian invasion of Ukraine, which could be followed by a Chinese intervention in Taiwan, confronts the West with excruciating dilemmas. For Europe, the danger is not only that it may once again lead to two spheres of influence.
There is a diachronic dilemma of how a Western liberal democracy should deal with an authoritarian or dictatorial regime. How does one balance the carrot and the stick? How many concessions can one make?
During the Russian PM’s March visit, Mitsotakis had underlined that the fact that Russia is a permanent member of the UN Security Council “places on you the duty of maintaining peace on a global level.”
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